Green Intersectionality in the Fight for Environmental Justice
Jenny Freedman
Environmental Sociology
December 7, 2021
In framing environmental advocacy, it is key to understand the limits of what individuals can do on a micro level. The biggest issue with the modern environmental movement is that the movement itself is growing but the environmental crisis continues at an alarming rate (Speth 2010:6). We must ask ourselves, is the environment or profit more important to the movement? We cannot view environmental destruction as a one-dimensional issue of the present, as it is affecting our future and grandchildren (Speth 2010:4). Environmental advocacy is most successful on the meso-level with grassroots groups and activists. Furthermore, I argue that green intersectionality is a key solution, and grassroots groups must utilize environmental struggles as a way to address other social causes, such as racism, sexism, and classism.
Environmental advocacy is equally political and environmental; a lot of the change that needs to occur is at the governmental level. As Karl Marx observed, politics and economics are incredibly interconnected, and one must confront both and acknowledge their relationship in order to expect any progress to occur. Marx argued that the environment and working class were tightly bound, and as one goes, so does the other. Workers are being used to destroy the planet, but the individuals are not to blame; it is on the corporations. In “A New American Environmentalism and the New Economy,” James Speth contemplates a worker-environment alliance. Speth outlines four crises: an economic, social, ecological, and political-democratic crisis. He states, “these four crises underscore that our current system is not working for people or planet. Far too many people get a raw deal, as does the environment. No wonder there is so much populist anger today (Speth 2010:13).” Mainstream environmentalism ignores the role of capitalism in environmental destruction and capitalist attitudes embedded in the system. When we work within the system, overconsumption remains.
Furthermore, solutions must be found at the institutional level, as the environmental crisis is not a micro-level issue and should not be framed as the sole responsibility of individuals (Speth 2010:21). Oftentimes, this view can be used as a scapegoat for larger organizations that create masses of environmental damage. They suggest that if we all do our part as individuals, organizations can continue avoiding taking accountability. This idea extends to our political-economic system, as large corporations have the money and standing to influence environmental legislation. The inability of politicians to make sustainable change emphasizes the need for institutional resistance and macro-level social change to bring about global-level environmental change. An emphasis on grassroots organizing in the modern environmental movement would allow for marginalized communities, the ones being primarily affected by environmental damage, to be centered.
It is key to recognize that having the ability to be environmentally sustainable is a privilege. Environmental justice involves race and class, and viewing the environmental movement as an intersectional one reveals that when one identity is victimized by an environmental phenomenon, it often links to another group. Historical precedents, especially trends in housing, such as redlining, predatory lending, and blockbusting, allow for environmental injustice to occur. Redlining refers to the practice where certain neighborhoods had heightened costs and lower availability of loans, which was highly dependent on their racial demographics. Although the Fair Housing Act of 1969 outlawed redlining, much still occurred under the surface and the consequences of indenting Black communities remain today. Predatory lending involves loans with unjust deceptive or exploitative methods by the lender. Predatory lenders prey on those in need of immediate cash and take advantage of a borrower’s lack of financial knowledge. These practices are prevalent in home mortgages, and often result in low credit scores, extreme debt, and homelessness for many borrowers. There are significant connections between Black communities, redlined zones, rates of predatory lending, and poverty. Finally, blockbusting refers to the real estate tactic used throughout the majority of the 20th century in which Black clients were sold homes in all-White areas as a way to push White residents to sell their homes at decreased prices. While racial prejudice and purposeful manipulation drove the neighborhood to be seen as increasingly undesirable for White residents, real estate agents continued selling to Middle class Black clients at inflated prices. Considering the limited options for Black homeowners, most were forced to accept the “black tax”. While laws and cultural attitudes have shifted to renounce explicit racist policies for the most part, past practices and injustices remain unaddressed. The result is racial disparities in access to sustainable living, among many other consequences.
The issue is that policies don’t directly state that they are targeting minority communities, which makes it much more difficult to dismantle. However, communities are set up in a way to segregate and exploit areas largely filled with people of color. For example, the city of Houston, Texas ranks in 89th percentile in the country of people of color living next to toxic waste, while 30 miles away, the Woodlands, a majorly white neighborhood, is in 4th percentile (Ahmed, May 3, 2021). The lack of zoning laws allows for toxic waste dumps in the middle of neighborhoods. Higher levels of particulate matter in the air directly influence public health outcomes, specifically higher incidents of asthma in Black children. This same consequence of historical inequities can be seen in the effect of COVID on Black communities. The issue is that most attorneys and elected officials aren’t willing to fight against large corporations for low-income communities of color. We need to consider such ramifications beforehand and prevent existing wrongs from being continued. It is a matter of having the political will to fight these wrongs and envision a more sustainable and equitable future.
One example of how environmental justice can bring an entirely new view to a situation is found in the Guadalupe Dunes spill. This oil spill occurred on the Guadalupe Dunes beach and extended to the deep sea. It is estimated to be from 8.5 to 20 million gallons and was unreported from 1953 to 1990 (Beamish 2008:217). Guadalupe, California, right by spill site, is 76.5% white, while Orcutt, California, a town 30 minutes outside of the site, is 87% white. It is important to analyze the increased population of people of color around spill site as a significant factor in how the handling of the spill played out. This specific spill is characterized by an overall passive attitude; eyes stinging after swimming and the strong oil smell became normalized in the area (Beamish 2008:216). A culture of silence within the organization was key in allowing for the spill to remain unreported for such a long period of time. Hierarchy and the seniority system act as shield to protect lower-level workers, as reports must go through each level of command. Monetary gain is also associated with not reporting, as higher-level workers are paid to meet corporate standards (Beamish 2008:220). Additionally, the crescive nature of the leak did not draw the attention of the media, as it was not a visible atrocity and didn’t “look like a spill”. Morality and the idea of putting the planet first is shockingly lacking in how this spill played out (Beamish 2008:222).
The approach to address environmental harm through grassroots groups and activists allows for the people to be at the center of the movement. On the other hand, for mainstream organizations and lobbyists, the key resource is money and, in turn, political power (Scarce 2006:58). Environmental interest groups have a clear, hierarchical leadership and are located in power centers. Grassroots groups are most often located in problem centers, or communities that face environmental damage, and maintain a strong, ecocentric ideology. The closeness to home of environmental issues does not allow for compromise in order to seem reasonable and accepted or flexible values. Unlike environmental interest groups, they are not attempting to appease multiple audiences through lobbying, litigation, legislation, and education tactics. Grassroots strategy is based on achieving sweeping, whole-scale systemic change. This often includes direct action, or monkey wrenching, and civil disobedience tactics (Scarce 2006:73). The anarchist framing of an alternative, radical culture does not appeal to many individuals, as it does not follow the social norm or align with mainstream American culture like environmental interest groups do. However, I argue that these factors are key in healing environmental destruction. Working outside the system and preexisting norms allows for diverse perspectives to be at the center of environmental conversations.
If we start at radical demands, the standard of environmental progress seems more reasonable. The anarchist perspective states that we cannot trust the government to do the right thing, as corporations and power structures influence everything that occurs (Pellow and Brehm, 2008:337). Most people don’t know that Environmental Justice framing and eco-centrism even exists. As a society, we are so grounded in anthropocentrism. We must create cultural ripple effects in any way we can and spread awareness. One effective method of doing so is found in the idea of intentional communities, such as communes (Liftin 2008:298). Communes are grounded in shared values, teamwork, and community, which allows for successful unification. Deep intentionality and simple living prioritize ideas of progress, incremental change, and intersectionality.
As Mead underscores in “The Social Self,” we must examine the bigger circle of society (me) and the inside circle of personality (I) both separately and interconnectedly. There are multiple “societies” inside of us that completely encapsulate our personality. For example, we behave differently in a professional business setting compared to interactions with close friends. We must ask ourselves, how are our values present in all of our interactions and in what ways are we being shaped by outside forces? Truly anarchist thought centers intersectional environmental protection and marginalized voices in all situations. As Aldo Leopold said, “A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise.” I suggest this involves utilizing new technologies in different ways to support the environment and envisioning a hybrid future. Questioning what a more humane future looks like and interrogating each action in order to support such a goal is at the center of environmental progress.
Environmental Sociology
December 7, 2021
In framing environmental advocacy, it is key to understand the limits of what individuals can do on a micro level. The biggest issue with the modern environmental movement is that the movement itself is growing but the environmental crisis continues at an alarming rate (Speth 2010:6). We must ask ourselves, is the environment or profit more important to the movement? We cannot view environmental destruction as a one-dimensional issue of the present, as it is affecting our future and grandchildren (Speth 2010:4). Environmental advocacy is most successful on the meso-level with grassroots groups and activists. Furthermore, I argue that green intersectionality is a key solution, and grassroots groups must utilize environmental struggles as a way to address other social causes, such as racism, sexism, and classism.
Environmental advocacy is equally political and environmental; a lot of the change that needs to occur is at the governmental level. As Karl Marx observed, politics and economics are incredibly interconnected, and one must confront both and acknowledge their relationship in order to expect any progress to occur. Marx argued that the environment and working class were tightly bound, and as one goes, so does the other. Workers are being used to destroy the planet, but the individuals are not to blame; it is on the corporations. In “A New American Environmentalism and the New Economy,” James Speth contemplates a worker-environment alliance. Speth outlines four crises: an economic, social, ecological, and political-democratic crisis. He states, “these four crises underscore that our current system is not working for people or planet. Far too many people get a raw deal, as does the environment. No wonder there is so much populist anger today (Speth 2010:13).” Mainstream environmentalism ignores the role of capitalism in environmental destruction and capitalist attitudes embedded in the system. When we work within the system, overconsumption remains.
Furthermore, solutions must be found at the institutional level, as the environmental crisis is not a micro-level issue and should not be framed as the sole responsibility of individuals (Speth 2010:21). Oftentimes, this view can be used as a scapegoat for larger organizations that create masses of environmental damage. They suggest that if we all do our part as individuals, organizations can continue avoiding taking accountability. This idea extends to our political-economic system, as large corporations have the money and standing to influence environmental legislation. The inability of politicians to make sustainable change emphasizes the need for institutional resistance and macro-level social change to bring about global-level environmental change. An emphasis on grassroots organizing in the modern environmental movement would allow for marginalized communities, the ones being primarily affected by environmental damage, to be centered.
It is key to recognize that having the ability to be environmentally sustainable is a privilege. Environmental justice involves race and class, and viewing the environmental movement as an intersectional one reveals that when one identity is victimized by an environmental phenomenon, it often links to another group. Historical precedents, especially trends in housing, such as redlining, predatory lending, and blockbusting, allow for environmental injustice to occur. Redlining refers to the practice where certain neighborhoods had heightened costs and lower availability of loans, which was highly dependent on their racial demographics. Although the Fair Housing Act of 1969 outlawed redlining, much still occurred under the surface and the consequences of indenting Black communities remain today. Predatory lending involves loans with unjust deceptive or exploitative methods by the lender. Predatory lenders prey on those in need of immediate cash and take advantage of a borrower’s lack of financial knowledge. These practices are prevalent in home mortgages, and often result in low credit scores, extreme debt, and homelessness for many borrowers. There are significant connections between Black communities, redlined zones, rates of predatory lending, and poverty. Finally, blockbusting refers to the real estate tactic used throughout the majority of the 20th century in which Black clients were sold homes in all-White areas as a way to push White residents to sell their homes at decreased prices. While racial prejudice and purposeful manipulation drove the neighborhood to be seen as increasingly undesirable for White residents, real estate agents continued selling to Middle class Black clients at inflated prices. Considering the limited options for Black homeowners, most were forced to accept the “black tax”. While laws and cultural attitudes have shifted to renounce explicit racist policies for the most part, past practices and injustices remain unaddressed. The result is racial disparities in access to sustainable living, among many other consequences.
The issue is that policies don’t directly state that they are targeting minority communities, which makes it much more difficult to dismantle. However, communities are set up in a way to segregate and exploit areas largely filled with people of color. For example, the city of Houston, Texas ranks in 89th percentile in the country of people of color living next to toxic waste, while 30 miles away, the Woodlands, a majorly white neighborhood, is in 4th percentile (Ahmed, May 3, 2021). The lack of zoning laws allows for toxic waste dumps in the middle of neighborhoods. Higher levels of particulate matter in the air directly influence public health outcomes, specifically higher incidents of asthma in Black children. This same consequence of historical inequities can be seen in the effect of COVID on Black communities. The issue is that most attorneys and elected officials aren’t willing to fight against large corporations for low-income communities of color. We need to consider such ramifications beforehand and prevent existing wrongs from being continued. It is a matter of having the political will to fight these wrongs and envision a more sustainable and equitable future.
One example of how environmental justice can bring an entirely new view to a situation is found in the Guadalupe Dunes spill. This oil spill occurred on the Guadalupe Dunes beach and extended to the deep sea. It is estimated to be from 8.5 to 20 million gallons and was unreported from 1953 to 1990 (Beamish 2008:217). Guadalupe, California, right by spill site, is 76.5% white, while Orcutt, California, a town 30 minutes outside of the site, is 87% white. It is important to analyze the increased population of people of color around spill site as a significant factor in how the handling of the spill played out. This specific spill is characterized by an overall passive attitude; eyes stinging after swimming and the strong oil smell became normalized in the area (Beamish 2008:216). A culture of silence within the organization was key in allowing for the spill to remain unreported for such a long period of time. Hierarchy and the seniority system act as shield to protect lower-level workers, as reports must go through each level of command. Monetary gain is also associated with not reporting, as higher-level workers are paid to meet corporate standards (Beamish 2008:220). Additionally, the crescive nature of the leak did not draw the attention of the media, as it was not a visible atrocity and didn’t “look like a spill”. Morality and the idea of putting the planet first is shockingly lacking in how this spill played out (Beamish 2008:222).
The approach to address environmental harm through grassroots groups and activists allows for the people to be at the center of the movement. On the other hand, for mainstream organizations and lobbyists, the key resource is money and, in turn, political power (Scarce 2006:58). Environmental interest groups have a clear, hierarchical leadership and are located in power centers. Grassroots groups are most often located in problem centers, or communities that face environmental damage, and maintain a strong, ecocentric ideology. The closeness to home of environmental issues does not allow for compromise in order to seem reasonable and accepted or flexible values. Unlike environmental interest groups, they are not attempting to appease multiple audiences through lobbying, litigation, legislation, and education tactics. Grassroots strategy is based on achieving sweeping, whole-scale systemic change. This often includes direct action, or monkey wrenching, and civil disobedience tactics (Scarce 2006:73). The anarchist framing of an alternative, radical culture does not appeal to many individuals, as it does not follow the social norm or align with mainstream American culture like environmental interest groups do. However, I argue that these factors are key in healing environmental destruction. Working outside the system and preexisting norms allows for diverse perspectives to be at the center of environmental conversations.
If we start at radical demands, the standard of environmental progress seems more reasonable. The anarchist perspective states that we cannot trust the government to do the right thing, as corporations and power structures influence everything that occurs (Pellow and Brehm, 2008:337). Most people don’t know that Environmental Justice framing and eco-centrism even exists. As a society, we are so grounded in anthropocentrism. We must create cultural ripple effects in any way we can and spread awareness. One effective method of doing so is found in the idea of intentional communities, such as communes (Liftin 2008:298). Communes are grounded in shared values, teamwork, and community, which allows for successful unification. Deep intentionality and simple living prioritize ideas of progress, incremental change, and intersectionality.
As Mead underscores in “The Social Self,” we must examine the bigger circle of society (me) and the inside circle of personality (I) both separately and interconnectedly. There are multiple “societies” inside of us that completely encapsulate our personality. For example, we behave differently in a professional business setting compared to interactions with close friends. We must ask ourselves, how are our values present in all of our interactions and in what ways are we being shaped by outside forces? Truly anarchist thought centers intersectional environmental protection and marginalized voices in all situations. As Aldo Leopold said, “A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise.” I suggest this involves utilizing new technologies in different ways to support the environment and envisioning a hybrid future. Questioning what a more humane future looks like and interrogating each action in order to support such a goal is at the center of environmental progress.
Works Cited
Beamish, Thomas D. 2008. “Silent Spill: The Organization of an Industrial Crisis.” Pages 215-226 in Deborah
Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors, Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD:
Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Ahmed, Amal. 2021. “Robert Bullard Isn’t Done Yet.” Texas Observer. Online. Available at:
https://www.texasobserver.org/robert-bullard-isnt-done-yet.
Liftin, Karen. 2008. “Ontologies of Sustainability in Ecovillage Culture: Integrating Ecology, Economics,
Community, and Consciousness.” Pages 289-301 in Deborah Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors,
Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Mead, George Herbert. 1913. "The Social Self.” Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods 10(14):
374-380.
Pellow, David and Hollie Nyseth Brehm. 2008. “From the New Ecological Paradigm to Total Liberation: The
Emergence of a Social Movement Frame.” Pages 331-347 in Deborah Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors,
Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Scarce, Rik. 2006. “Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement.” Walnut Creek, CA:
Left Coast Press.
Speth, James Gustave. 2010. “A New American Environmentalism and the New Economy.” Unpublished.
Washington, D.C.
Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors, Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD:
Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Ahmed, Amal. 2021. “Robert Bullard Isn’t Done Yet.” Texas Observer. Online. Available at:
https://www.texasobserver.org/robert-bullard-isnt-done-yet.
Liftin, Karen. 2008. “Ontologies of Sustainability in Ecovillage Culture: Integrating Ecology, Economics,
Community, and Consciousness.” Pages 289-301 in Deborah Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors,
Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Mead, George Herbert. 1913. "The Social Self.” Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods 10(14):
374-380.
Pellow, David and Hollie Nyseth Brehm. 2008. “From the New Ecological Paradigm to Total Liberation: The
Emergence of a Social Movement Frame.” Pages 331-347 in Deborah Auriffeille and Leslie King, editors,
Environmental Sociology: From Analysis to Action. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Scarce, Rik. 2006. “Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement.” Walnut Creek, CA:
Left Coast Press.
Speth, James Gustave. 2010. “A New American Environmentalism and the New Economy.” Unpublished.
Washington, D.C.