The Peaceful Approach for Black Equality
Jenny Freedman
Race Matters
November 16, 2018
The year 1877 marked the end of reconstruction and a new era of Jim Crow laws. This conflicting time period allowed white supremacists to further alienate blacks in society. Many different stances concerning steps that the Black community should take to achieve equality developed during this time. This continuous fear spurred the peak election rate to office for blacks, suggesting a widespread approach to support Black administrative change. On the other hand, in 1883, the United States Supreme Court ruled that the Civil Rights Act of 1875, banning discrimination in various public spaces, was unconstitutional according to the 13th and 14th Amendments.[1] Not only did legislative action infer extensive opposition to the Black Freedom Struggle, but social relations highlighted racial unrest and hostility for both whites and Blacks. Specifically, Mississippi elections were very violent, and there was a major divide in political views. In 1898, in an attempt to diffuse violence and corruption, the Supreme Count decision, Williams vs. Mississippi, prevented many black from voting by enforcing literacy test requirements. The disenfranchisement of blacks was a major indicator for growing race tensions at the time. Later, in 1915, the film “The Birth of a Nation”, a famous white supremacist movie, sparked a rebirth of the KKK. By 1920, Black culture was pushed into many low-income neighborhoods and expressed through the Harlem Renaissance. This period of expression was a significant step in the development of black music, literature, and art. In other parts of the country, sit-ins and boycotts took place as an outlet for black oppression and unrest. The usage of nonviolent protests are critical and effective methods of exhibiting civility and devotion to earning equality.
The meaning of success being referred to is an achievement of a goal. In order to be a success, the purpose of an event must be fulfilled or accomplished. The Black Freedom Struggle, referring to a movement focusing on equality and agency for specifically blacks, was integral to achieving legislative alterations in the midst of black harassment. While this movement did spur laws to shift, social relations between races for the most part did not alter quickly. First, Brown vs. Board I in 1954 represented a major success for Black equality, as Plessy vs. Ferguson was overturned after the decision that schools separated by race was unconstitutional. The 9-0 decision with evidence from doll tests displaying bitterness and a lack of empathy in society toward black people spurred many other civil rights accomplishments.[2] However, in terms of social interactions between races, fear and estrangement remained. In 1955, Brown vs. Board II allowed the enforcement of non-segregation occur “with all deliberate speed.” This phrase was utilized, especially in the South, to delay the integration process or even to deny the law. For example, in 1959, the white government of Virginia’s Prince Edward County closed schools in order to avoid integration. While, in the end, a major amount of positive change occurred throughout the Black Freedom Struggle, the legislation and social results were not achieved easily. As the movement was truly a struggle, the lack of adjustment by white supremacists partly diminishes the success of the Black Freedom Struggle. This does not make the strategies by Black activists meaningless, as there was definite change as a result; however, the racism that thrives today prevents the conclusion that Black equality was achieved.
On a similar note, the most successful civil rights strategies were based on philosophies of non-violence. By 1954, it was easy for white families to isolate themselves from all of the Black community. When the only interactions white people have with black advocates involve violence and aggression, it becomes much more challenging to diffuse resentment. A turning point in this vicious time period was demonstrated when Rosa Parks became a symbol for a peaceful revolution within the Black community. The goal of displaying the absurdity of segregation laws was effectively achieved, as Parks’ story spread across the nation. The idea of specifically a proper, educated woman being forcibly removed from the bus for such a miniscule incident made it much more difficult to disagree with the movement for change for many whites. Contrastingly, the usage of a violent approach in order to achieve black equality further perpetuates negative black stereotypes within the white communities. It creates an opportunity to dismiss the demands of many black advocates. Rosa Parks sparked a major success for Black rights: the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Boycotts were seen an effective method to portray a message, as they targeted not only white sympathy, but also often the economy. When there are economic stakes on the line, issues become much more difficult for governments to ignore. This idea was highlighted by the sympathy of whites and rise of Martin Luther King Jr. following the boycotts. The longevity of the bus boycott showed dedication, which, in return, many white people assisted black protesters by driving them to work and other various places. The support from whites was an important aspect of the boycotts. Additionally, sit-ins made a clear statement to the public without the use of violence. Often, the hostility arose from white segregationists. Historian and writer Jonathan Murray explains how, at the Greensboro sit-ins, “as the protests grew, opposition grew vociferous. Crowds of white men began appearing at lunch counters to harass the protesters, often by spitting, uttering abusive language, and throwing eggs. In one case, a protester’s coat was set on fire, and the assailant was arrested.”[3] The combativeness of the white harassers as a reaction to a peaceful sit-in made a statement concerning the unjust social structure. The situation grew much more complex through the usage of nonviolent protests, as it produced white sympathy and support.
Nonviolent methods displayed the underlying oppression in a nationalistic society while making a statement about the civility of Black advocates. On the other hand, it is completely reasonable to argue that violence is necessary in order to display seriousness and force the U.S. to shed light on the black perspective. Some may argue that violence is the most effective method because it produces immediate change. The issue with this line of reasoning lies within the fact that complete agreement cannot be forced. The usage of violence continues the cycle of anger and resistance. If the end goal of the Black Freedom Struggle is truly to destroy unequal predispositions, the white and black community must come to agreements with a degree of free will. While some force is necessary in order to break preexisting habits of whites to dismiss black struggles, the usage of solely violence majorly decreases the ability for many whites to support and sympathize with blacks.
While the Black Freedom Struggle focused on equality for Black individuals, the Civil Rights Movement was a broader category of minorities with the goal of altering laws. While legislation often does not produce immediate social change as well, it signifies the start of transformation. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 stands out as one of the most successful civil rights achievements. In 1965, this act was signed off by President Lyndon Johnson. According to the National Archives, this act “aimed to increase the number of people registered to vote in areas where there was a record of previous discrimination. The legislation outlawed literacy tests and provided for the appointment of Federal examiners (with the power to register qualified citizens to vote) in certain jurisdictions with a history of voting discrimination.”[4] This is a major civil rights success, as it is a significant step in enforcing black equal and removing voting discrimination. Comparatively, this act is more successful than the ruling of Brown vs. Board II, even though this court case is extremely well known. The possible slow speed of enactment for Brown vs. Board II allowed for deferral and increased resentment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a clear marker for the equality standard. All in all, the efforts of advocates for black rights did make a major impact in achieving progressive changes, even if the white reaction was severely negative most times. Contrasting beliefs and perspectives take time for mainstream society to consider and accept, but the undeniable advancements in Black equality display the partial success of the Civil Rights movement. The Black Freedom Struggle continues presently, so a final conclusion of success or failure cannot be made, but the amount of transformation since its beginning is still impressive.
[1] McPherson, James M. Abolitionists and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. 1965.
[2] Hogan, Timothy D. “Evaluating the Demographic Impact of Societal Events through Intervention Analysis: The Brown vs. Board of Education Decision.” Demography, vol. 21, no. 4, 1984, pp. 673–677. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2060923.
[3] Murray, Jonathan. “Greensboro Sit-In.” North Carolina History Project, John Locke Foundation, northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/greensboro-sit-in/.
[4] “Congress and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, www.archives.gov/legislative/features/voting-rights-1965.
Race Matters
November 16, 2018
The year 1877 marked the end of reconstruction and a new era of Jim Crow laws. This conflicting time period allowed white supremacists to further alienate blacks in society. Many different stances concerning steps that the Black community should take to achieve equality developed during this time. This continuous fear spurred the peak election rate to office for blacks, suggesting a widespread approach to support Black administrative change. On the other hand, in 1883, the United States Supreme Court ruled that the Civil Rights Act of 1875, banning discrimination in various public spaces, was unconstitutional according to the 13th and 14th Amendments.[1] Not only did legislative action infer extensive opposition to the Black Freedom Struggle, but social relations highlighted racial unrest and hostility for both whites and Blacks. Specifically, Mississippi elections were very violent, and there was a major divide in political views. In 1898, in an attempt to diffuse violence and corruption, the Supreme Count decision, Williams vs. Mississippi, prevented many black from voting by enforcing literacy test requirements. The disenfranchisement of blacks was a major indicator for growing race tensions at the time. Later, in 1915, the film “The Birth of a Nation”, a famous white supremacist movie, sparked a rebirth of the KKK. By 1920, Black culture was pushed into many low-income neighborhoods and expressed through the Harlem Renaissance. This period of expression was a significant step in the development of black music, literature, and art. In other parts of the country, sit-ins and boycotts took place as an outlet for black oppression and unrest. The usage of nonviolent protests are critical and effective methods of exhibiting civility and devotion to earning equality.
The meaning of success being referred to is an achievement of a goal. In order to be a success, the purpose of an event must be fulfilled or accomplished. The Black Freedom Struggle, referring to a movement focusing on equality and agency for specifically blacks, was integral to achieving legislative alterations in the midst of black harassment. While this movement did spur laws to shift, social relations between races for the most part did not alter quickly. First, Brown vs. Board I in 1954 represented a major success for Black equality, as Plessy vs. Ferguson was overturned after the decision that schools separated by race was unconstitutional. The 9-0 decision with evidence from doll tests displaying bitterness and a lack of empathy in society toward black people spurred many other civil rights accomplishments.[2] However, in terms of social interactions between races, fear and estrangement remained. In 1955, Brown vs. Board II allowed the enforcement of non-segregation occur “with all deliberate speed.” This phrase was utilized, especially in the South, to delay the integration process or even to deny the law. For example, in 1959, the white government of Virginia’s Prince Edward County closed schools in order to avoid integration. While, in the end, a major amount of positive change occurred throughout the Black Freedom Struggle, the legislation and social results were not achieved easily. As the movement was truly a struggle, the lack of adjustment by white supremacists partly diminishes the success of the Black Freedom Struggle. This does not make the strategies by Black activists meaningless, as there was definite change as a result; however, the racism that thrives today prevents the conclusion that Black equality was achieved.
On a similar note, the most successful civil rights strategies were based on philosophies of non-violence. By 1954, it was easy for white families to isolate themselves from all of the Black community. When the only interactions white people have with black advocates involve violence and aggression, it becomes much more challenging to diffuse resentment. A turning point in this vicious time period was demonstrated when Rosa Parks became a symbol for a peaceful revolution within the Black community. The goal of displaying the absurdity of segregation laws was effectively achieved, as Parks’ story spread across the nation. The idea of specifically a proper, educated woman being forcibly removed from the bus for such a miniscule incident made it much more difficult to disagree with the movement for change for many whites. Contrastingly, the usage of a violent approach in order to achieve black equality further perpetuates negative black stereotypes within the white communities. It creates an opportunity to dismiss the demands of many black advocates. Rosa Parks sparked a major success for Black rights: the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Boycotts were seen an effective method to portray a message, as they targeted not only white sympathy, but also often the economy. When there are economic stakes on the line, issues become much more difficult for governments to ignore. This idea was highlighted by the sympathy of whites and rise of Martin Luther King Jr. following the boycotts. The longevity of the bus boycott showed dedication, which, in return, many white people assisted black protesters by driving them to work and other various places. The support from whites was an important aspect of the boycotts. Additionally, sit-ins made a clear statement to the public without the use of violence. Often, the hostility arose from white segregationists. Historian and writer Jonathan Murray explains how, at the Greensboro sit-ins, “as the protests grew, opposition grew vociferous. Crowds of white men began appearing at lunch counters to harass the protesters, often by spitting, uttering abusive language, and throwing eggs. In one case, a protester’s coat was set on fire, and the assailant was arrested.”[3] The combativeness of the white harassers as a reaction to a peaceful sit-in made a statement concerning the unjust social structure. The situation grew much more complex through the usage of nonviolent protests, as it produced white sympathy and support.
Nonviolent methods displayed the underlying oppression in a nationalistic society while making a statement about the civility of Black advocates. On the other hand, it is completely reasonable to argue that violence is necessary in order to display seriousness and force the U.S. to shed light on the black perspective. Some may argue that violence is the most effective method because it produces immediate change. The issue with this line of reasoning lies within the fact that complete agreement cannot be forced. The usage of violence continues the cycle of anger and resistance. If the end goal of the Black Freedom Struggle is truly to destroy unequal predispositions, the white and black community must come to agreements with a degree of free will. While some force is necessary in order to break preexisting habits of whites to dismiss black struggles, the usage of solely violence majorly decreases the ability for many whites to support and sympathize with blacks.
While the Black Freedom Struggle focused on equality for Black individuals, the Civil Rights Movement was a broader category of minorities with the goal of altering laws. While legislation often does not produce immediate social change as well, it signifies the start of transformation. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 stands out as one of the most successful civil rights achievements. In 1965, this act was signed off by President Lyndon Johnson. According to the National Archives, this act “aimed to increase the number of people registered to vote in areas where there was a record of previous discrimination. The legislation outlawed literacy tests and provided for the appointment of Federal examiners (with the power to register qualified citizens to vote) in certain jurisdictions with a history of voting discrimination.”[4] This is a major civil rights success, as it is a significant step in enforcing black equal and removing voting discrimination. Comparatively, this act is more successful than the ruling of Brown vs. Board II, even though this court case is extremely well known. The possible slow speed of enactment for Brown vs. Board II allowed for deferral and increased resentment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a clear marker for the equality standard. All in all, the efforts of advocates for black rights did make a major impact in achieving progressive changes, even if the white reaction was severely negative most times. Contrasting beliefs and perspectives take time for mainstream society to consider and accept, but the undeniable advancements in Black equality display the partial success of the Civil Rights movement. The Black Freedom Struggle continues presently, so a final conclusion of success or failure cannot be made, but the amount of transformation since its beginning is still impressive.
[1] McPherson, James M. Abolitionists and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. 1965.
[2] Hogan, Timothy D. “Evaluating the Demographic Impact of Societal Events through Intervention Analysis: The Brown vs. Board of Education Decision.” Demography, vol. 21, no. 4, 1984, pp. 673–677. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2060923.
[3] Murray, Jonathan. “Greensboro Sit-In.” North Carolina History Project, John Locke Foundation, northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/greensboro-sit-in/.
[4] “Congress and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, www.archives.gov/legislative/features/voting-rights-1965.
Works Cited
“Congress and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, www.archives.gov/legislative/features/voting-rights-1965
Hogan, Timothy D. “Evaluating the Demographic Impact of Societal Events through Intervention Analysis: The Brown vs. Board of Education Decision.” Demography, vol. 21, no. 4, 1984, pp. 673–677. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2060923
McPherson, James M. Abolitionists and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. 1965.
Murray, Jonathan. “Greensboro Sit-In.” North Carolina History Project, John Locke Foundation, northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/greensboro-sit-in/.
Hogan, Timothy D. “Evaluating the Demographic Impact of Societal Events through Intervention Analysis: The Brown vs. Board of Education Decision.” Demography, vol. 21, no. 4, 1984, pp. 673–677. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2060923
McPherson, James M. Abolitionists and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. 1965.
Murray, Jonathan. “Greensboro Sit-In.” North Carolina History Project, John Locke Foundation, northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/greensboro-sit-in/.